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Links 1 through 10 of 17 freida_microcon's Bookmarks

This paper explores critical aspects of the agency of youngsters in situations of crisis. Throughout the political-military conflict in Cote d.Ivoire (2002-2011), the patriotic militias were the locus of extensive networking and, to the extent that this was informed by political or ideological choices, vast enterprises of civil society building.

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This paper is about Southern Sudanese IDPs and refugees who, after the 2005 Comprehensive
Peace Agreement, chose not to return to their areas of origin, but instead to resettle elsewhere. Rather than
exploring the push and pull factors of this decision, this paper documents the ways in which they have
organised their lives in their places of post-war resettlement. More particularly, it explores their selfemployment
strategies in an institutional context characterised by weak state regulation and high reliance
on self-governance institutions, especially social networks.

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This paper considers how civilian displacement is a common phenomenon in developing countries confronted
with internal conflict. While displacement directly affects forced migrants, it also contributes to
deteriorating labour conditions of vulnerable groups in receiving communities. For the
displaced population, the income losses are substantial, and as they migrate to cities, they
usually end up joining the informal labour force. Qualitative evidence reveals that displaced
women are better suited to compete in urban labour markets, as their labour experience is more
relevant with respect to certain urban low-skilled occupations. Our study uses this exogenous
change in female labour force participation to test how it affects female bargaining power within
the household. Our results show that female displaced women work longer hours, earn similar
wages and contribute in larger proportions to household earnings relative to rural women who
remain in rural areas.

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Given the high levels of crime and violence in South Africa, there may be a temptation for citizens to arm themselves for protection. Using quantitative survey data from the Cape Area Panel Study and qualitative interviews with residents of high-violence neighborhoods, this paper examines the question of who carries weapons outside the home in Cape Town and what the effects of weapon carrying may be. Multiple regression analysis is used to test the significance of possible drivers of weapon carrying and the results are discussed in the South African social context. Weapon carrying is found to be associated with both assault perpetration and victimization, suggesting that it is part of a violent lifestyle in which weapon carriers are likely to use their weapons both offensively and defensively. Possible weapon-related policies for violence reduction are also discussed.

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This paper considers how, contrary to widespread belief, the collapse of ‘government’ does not automatically entail the collapse of ‘governance’. In a setting of ‘unstable’ livelihoods, households’ coping strategies, coupled with the social entrepreneurship of non-state actors create new local, arguably more contentious, ‘governances’. In this setting, even if weakened, the role of the state is nonetheless important and a peacebuilding strategy cannot be effective if it is kept out of equation. International support to processes of state building as part of conflict transformation must involve Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) as key actors, while engaging with top, mid and grassroots levels of society, allowing CSOs to act as active intermediaries between the three levels.

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This paper considers collective political violence, the processes through which the entrepreneurs of violence and their followers seal temporary loyalties around a violent enterprise need to be explored, recognising the complex heterogeneity of drivers of violent engagement. These include identity production, socio-economic factors and the activation of horizontal and vertical networks. A variety of factors shape armed groups’ behaviours over time, including explicit training, collective learning and violent socialisation. However, the evolution of armed groups also depends on outside influences, including civilians’ attitudes, and agencies’ and states’ actions. This implies there is room for intervention, but only if it is contextually informed.

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Although affected by the shocks of conflict and violence, households are more than impotent victims. Within their own context (assets, motivations, perceptions, capabilities, resources and power relations) they adopt different coping strategies to ‘navigate’ through conflict. Many of these strategies, however, entail the depletion of assets, resulting in impacts that continue beyond the duration of conflict. Understanding the processes and coping strategies of households in different settings of conflict and tackling the effects of these on the resilience of households is key to an effective peace-building policy.

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‘Peacekeeping economies’ have not been subjected to much analysis. This is partly, perhaps, because their effects have been assumed to be temporary. In reality, such economies often have impacts on local societies that endure long after peacekeepers have left. This briefing considers the gendered effects of peacekeeping economies in Bosnia, Kosovo, Liberia and Haiti, focussing especially on the sex industry. It then examines the effectiveness of the UN’s efforts to curb sexual exploitation and to promote gender equality through peacekeeping operations. It argues that the UN needs to go beyond policies based on individual responsibility, to consider the wider context in which its operations take place.

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The list of means available to the EU for the prevention of conflict is long: development cooperation and external assistance, trade policy instruments, diplomatic instruments and political dialogue, cooperation with international partners and NGOs, as well as the new instruments in the field of crisis management. This article focuses on these measures, in line with the categorisation scheme used by the EU, delineating three types of prevention: operational, structural and systemic. The article describes the legal and policy framework for each type of measure and how they have been implemented. Where possible, it explores the impact and effectiveness of the measures on conflict prevention. It also briefly focuses on some initiatives taken to strengthen the coherence between the different instruments and policies.

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This paper considers The Timor Leste secession conflict. Its last wave of violence in 1999, following the withdrawal of Indonesian troops, generated massive displacement and destruction with widespread consequences for the economic and social development of the country. This paper analyzes the impact of the conflict on the level and access to education of boys and girls in Timor Leste. The authors examine the short-term impact of the 1999 violence on school attendance and grade deficit rates in 2001, and the longer-term impact of the conflict on primary school completion of cohorts of children observed in 2007. They compare the educational impact of the 1999 wave of violence with the impact of other periods of high-intensity violence during the 25 years of Indonesian occupation.

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