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Links 1 through 10 of 48 by Latoya Peterson tagged segregation

"That's where Americans for Prosperity, a conservative political advocacy group founded and funded by the Koch brothers, came into play. AFP, as it's known, swooped in to fund and organize on behalf of four candidates who sought to kill the district's policy of bussing to ensure diverse, de-segregated public schools. The AFP-backed candidates ran against what they called "forced busing"—a phrase, the film points out, that dates back to George Wallace in the 1970s—and instead stressed that schools should educate only those who lived in the surrounding neighborhood.

Local reporters, some of whom are interviewed in the film, connected the push to eliminate bussing with the philosophies of AFP and its funders. "They're definitely pushing an agenda to re-segregate these schools, but there's also a real push toward privatization," Sue Sturgis of the Institute for Southern Studies says in the film."

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"The relative cleanness of the characters—the white heroine is uncomplicated in her loyalty to black domestics, the matronly black domestic has unadulterated love of the white babies she raises regardless of her treatment by their parents, the “angry” black domestic who smarts off and has to find new work regularly finally cares for a woman with poor white roots who doesn’t see racial divides and learns to accept the authenticity of good white people—is both the appeal and challenge of this book for the women gathering to read it. "

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"This is a largely racially segregated school system in all five boroughs. In certain neighborhoods where Ray Kelly’s stop-and-frisk police are all too familiar, parents would not have been surprised to hear from the Education Mayor himself what he thinks of them on his weekly WOR interview: 'Unfortunately, there are some parents who...never had a formal education, and they don’t understand the value of an education. Many of our kids come from [such] families—the old Norman Rockwell family is gone.'"

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"The 'school choice' movement was conceived by those who did not want to desegregate, as George H.W. Bush’s Assistant Secretary of Education Diane Ravitch claims in her best-selling book The Life and Death of the American School System: 'For someone like me, raised in the South and opposed to racism and segregation, the word ‘choice’ and the term ‘freedom of choice’ became tainted by their use as a conscious strategy to maintain state-sponsored segregation.' In other words, Ravitch, a renowned educational historian, contends that 'school choice' was originally intended as an end-run around desegregation, a means to legally keep African-Americans out of white schools, under the guise of 'freedom of choice.'

While Ravitch’s point may seem extreme to some, especially in this media climate which is so favorable of charter schools, CRP has found that the current 'school choice' movement has increased racial segregation, and that charter schools tend to be racially segregated..."

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"The organization seeks to highlight the historic moments in New Orleans’s struggle for racial equality and hopes to remind the public of the story behind the famous case. It was, Plessy and Ferguson said, a forerunner of the legal strategies and civil disobedience that took root in the civil rights struggles of the 20th century."

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"These persistent disparities are embedded in the structure of our economy. In 1972, according to the earliest data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, average labor-force participation for African Americans was 60 percent, the majority of whom were employed in low-wage work. By 1999, that number had peaked at just 66 percent, and it recently slid to 62 percent, due mostly to the recession. Likewise, in 1973, average labor-force participation for Latinos was 60 percent, peaking at nearly 70 percent in 2000 and sliding down to 68.5 percent by 2008. The numbers are comparable to whites, who have a current participation rate of 66 percent but are more likely to hold higher-income positions. By contrast, minorities are still concentrated in the lower rungs of the American workforce; 53 percent of laborers, 50 percent of service workers, and 33 percent of office and clerical workers are people of color."

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"But over the past year, a new majority-Republican school board backed by national tea party conservatives has set the district on a strikingly different course. Pledging to 'say no to the social engineers!' it has abolished the policy behind one of the nation's most celebrated integration efforts."

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"Segregation haunts questions of public safety, education, housing and fairness in the workplace. It is how New York sorts out its children, sending them on a path toward success or disaster.

"And the poison spreads from there. Racially segregated zones make it 'natural' for cops and prosecutors to make decisions about law enforcement (including stop-and-frisk procedures and low-level drug busts of sellers rather than buyers) that inevitably track with race."

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"Harris states: 'Indie rock's bleached-out state dates from when punk started to harden into the musical orthodoxy of the new wave. Out went the black influence one heard in, say, the music of the Clash; in came a generic narrowing that has never really gone away.'

"However, the unpleasant fact is that this is part of a larger picture in rock'n'roll, even though the genre owes its very existence to musicians such as Chuck Berry and his peers.

I"n America, unfortunately, white rock has always been considered as art, and black music as commerce."

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"Usually, ethnic neighborhoods are shown as homogeneous, sharply bounded swathes of color. But obviously, living in a city tells a much different story -- and the nature of the boundary areas are at least as important to the identity of any city as the so-called ethnic centers."

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