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Links 1 through 10 of 4409 James Turnbull's Bookmarks

For several years, these concept-less ads have apparently worked, increasing both chains’ sales. But this year, the (millennial male) consumers have apparently finally figured out that any bikini models that happen reside in their hometowns don’t want to have lunch with them at Hardee’s/Carl’s Jr.

A recent report by Ameritest, one of the industry’s leading advertising testing firms, found that sex actually doesn’t sell and really doesn’t sell for Mr. Puzder.

Sean Scott, Ameritest senior brand consultant, told Ad Age that sex just “doesn’t perform that well in spurring purchase intent.” In particular, the report took a close look at one of Carl Jr.’s latest ads, its 2015 Super Bowl “all-natural” burger commercial featuring model Charlotte McKinney and her bouncing “natural” boobs.

While the video has over 11 million views, Scott says the ad performed well below average in purchase intent. A third (32 percent) of the viewers surveyed felt worse about Carl’s Jr. after seeing the ad, compared to 8 percent who felt that way after seeing other fast-food brand ads. Ouch.

The report hasn’t stopped Puzder from rolling out his soft porn spots including this video featuring Victoria’s Secret model Sara Sampaio trying to bite a burger as big as her head.

But the main problem with the Hardee’s/Carl’s Jr. ads — and really with every “sexy” spot currently running — isn’t the sex; it’s the stupidity. The models are attached to the ads as an afterthought; they’re not integral to a selling concept. These spots should be getting blistered for sucking, not for sexism. Besides, these days one can find — if one desires — several videos of attractive women sans bikinis eating burgers. (I’m not linking to those).

Don’t fret, people who still like sex. Sex can sell. You just have to put some thought into it.

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As for why a large proportion of unemployed women are married compared to working women, Kim said it is because many women end up quitting their jobs after getting married, particularly after having children in their early or mid-30s. She also said that many employers are hesitant to hire mothers with young children.

“So the ‘unemployed’ women in this data includes married women who once had careers but ended up quitting after getting married for whatever reasons,” she explained. “The data also reflects the trend where many women with professional careers, especially those in their 30s, delay marriage and child bearing. That’s one of the reasons why the proportion of those who are married is smaller among working women than unemployed women.”

Kim Jun-kyu, a 33-year-old who works in Seoul, said it is “virtually impossible” for an unemployed Korean man without any savings to get married in Korea, especially because of the nation’s common practice in which the groom’s family buys the house for newlyweds.

“I think the biggest problem is that when you are unemployed, you are ineligible to apply for any bank loans,” he said. “And when you can’t get loans, it’s very difficult to get housing. I know it’s changing, but men are still expected to somehow finance the housing when getting married. Unemployed men can’t do that unless their parents have the financial means to help them.”

Kim also said he thinks there is a stigmatization against men who are out of work. “I think having a job is still considered by society as an option, rather than a duty for many women,” he said. “But men, especially those with children, not having a professional career -- or quitting their job -- is not really an option, according to the social norms in Korea. Such fathers are easily considered as incapable or irresponsible.”

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As for why a large proportion of unemployed women are married compared to working women, Kim said it is because many women end up quitting their jobs after getting married, particularly after having children in their early or mid-30s. She also said that many employers are hesitant to hire mothers with young children.

“So the ‘unemployed’ women in this data includes married women who once had careers but ended up quitting after getting married for whatever reasons,” she explained. “The data also reflects the trend where many women with professional careers, especially those in their 30s, delay marriage and child bearing. That’s one of the reasons why the proportion of those who are married is smaller among working women than unemployed women.”

Kim Jun-kyu, a 33-year-old who works in Seoul, said it is “virtually impossible” for an unemployed Korean man without any savings to get married in Korea, especially because of the nation’s common practice in which the groom’s family buys the house for newlyweds.

“I think the biggest problem is that when you are unemployed, you are ineligible to apply for any bank loans,” he said. “And when you can’t get loans, it’s very difficult to get housing. I know it’s changing, but men are still expected to somehow finance the housing when getting married. Unemployed men can’t do that unless their parents have the financial means to help them.”

Kim also said he thinks there is a stigmatization against men who are out of work. “I think having a job is still considered by society as an option, rather than a duty for many women,” he said. “But men, especially those with children, not having a professional career -- or quitting their job -- is not really an option, according to the social norms in Korea. Such fathers are easily considered as incapable or irresponsible.”

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http://news.nate.com/view/20160724n00925

Article: "Do you have a friend or family member to depend on?" Korea ranks last out of OECD

Source: Yonhap News via Nate

IN order: Switzerland, Denmark, Germany, Australia, Canada, UK, US, Japan, France, Turkey, Chile, Mexico, Korea

1. [+1,041, -24] People say that Koreans have a lot of 'jung' but it's really just people not minding their own business. When you actually need their help, they show selfish tendencies. Foreign countries get a lot of slack for being individualistic societies but it's because they respect that everyone lives in different ways and mind their own business about it. When people actually need help, they'll step up and help.

2. [+804, -21] Korea always ranks last in all of the good surveys

3. [+602, -21] It's the result of a society that views people as money. You'll be left with nothing once you start doing that. Some people are blaming smartphones for the lack of human interaction but it says in the survey that the fifties age group had no friends or family to depend on so smartphones aren't relaly to blame. We as a society need to stop separating each other over a few years in age difference to earn respect and stop keeping friends around for money.

4. [+61, -1] Share your joy and it becomes jealousy, share your sadness and it becomes your weakness

5. [+47, -5] I have noticed that if something good happens to you, there's no friend that genuinely congratulates you but only ones that feel jealous

6. [+42, -3] I'm 26 years old... and I don't have the typical genuine friend that everyone's always talking about. Just a few dozen friends who only keep in contact if we need something from the other ㅋㅋ

7. [+32, -0] Koreans don't have a lot of 'jung'. They make you feel that 'jung' and then use you to betray you once they need something out of you.

8. [+32, -1] I had a friend who went to graduate school in the US and she brought someone she called her best friend and I asked how old she was and she said 45 years old. We're 26 years old. To for

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While the references remained anomalous at first, travelers to East Asia gradually began describing locals there more and more as “yellow.” By the nineteenth century, Keevak argued, the “yellow race” become a key part of anthropology.

But the yellow label came associated with discrimination, exclusion, and violence. Just as no one in the world is purely white or black, neither does anyone actually have skin that is deep yellow. By “creating” a skin color and investing traits such as “Mongolian eyes,” the Mongolian birthmark, and mongolism (the old name for Down syndrome), Westerners made the perceived yellow race synonymous with abnormality. They also responded to the arrival of immigrants from Asia by sounding the alarm over the “yellow peril” - a term with a whole range of negative associations from overpopulation to heathenism, economic competition, and political and social regression. The hidden agenda of this racial color-coding becomes apparent when one considers who benefits from a hierarchy that places “yellow” and “black” beneath “white.”

For the Korean-language edition, the author wrote a new introduction that asks, “Isn’t it time to stop using the discriminatory terms ‘yellow’?” It’s an argument solidly bolstered by the book’s footnotes and references, which account for a third of its 348 pages.

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And while it might sound as though I lost something, it doesn't feel that way. In fact, just as Keys describes, it feels liberating. Drawing your self-worth from stuff you have to buy and apply is a risky bet.

Getting comfy with the skin you're in and knowing your identity is formed deep beneath the skin is true empowerment.

Where I disagree with Keys' and Dove-endorsed "natural beauty campaigns" is this: letting go of beauty norms is not about learning to see our natural selves as "beautiful". It is about eliminating the word from our psyches altogether. Most days, I don't think about beauty at all. I literally just don't give a crap.

I'm not a feminist puritan, nor have I exorcised the beauty myth completely. I still spend silly amounts of time and money on hair removal and have a tendency of responding to the lens of a camera with all the comfort of a fish on a hook.

I also know that rebellion has many shades; sometimes it's Caitlin Moran's lashings of witchy green eye shadow or an LA face accessorised with an armpit full of hair.

It doesn't really matter how we shake ourselves free, but that we keep reminding each other it is possible — maybe that's why no make-up selfie campaigns get so much traction.

Alicia Keys is right: we do need a "no make-up" revolution. It's time for a make-under.

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More than half of elementary and high school students have experienced psychological or physical abuse at home, and over 10 percent of them had sustained bodily injuries, a report said Friday.

The findings are from research by Kim Seung-gyeom at the National Youth Policy Institute, based on a 2013 survey by the gender ministry on family violence. The survey was conducted on 1,069 students at primary and high schools in 15 major cities, excluding Jeju Island.

The report said 30.8 percent reported having suffered some form of psychological abuse at home. Another 16.7 percent said there was minor physical abuse, while 6.8 percent said they were subjected to heavy physical violence. The report also found 3.4 percent said they were neglected.

Physical violence included being beaten by a fist or foot, sometimes even by a belt or a golf club. Other forms of abuse came from slapping and whipping, according to the report. Psychological abuse was in forms of threats of physical violence, shouting and verbal attacks, it said.

The report said 13.7 percent of the abused students were physically hurt, suffering a bloody nose or bruises.

“The number of victims is probably higher if the survey included students who ran away from home because of family violence or stopped attending school,” Kim said.

The report called for a government-led solution by providing a one-stop center where youth can report abuse, get help and recover.

“In order for the youth to be protected from home violence, there has to be a highly active education and campaign on the issue,” Kim said. “We need to establish comprehensive measures so that a healthy family culture can take root by listening to the testimonies of young victims and the opinions of experts.”

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Interestingly, much of the idealisation of loneliness in art and literature turns out to be a façade. Henry David Thoreau rhapsodised his alone time. ‘I find it wholesome to be alone the greater part of the time,’ he wrote in Walden: Or, Life in the Woods (1854). ‘Why should I feel lonely?… I am no more lonely than the loon in the pond that laughs so loud, or than Walden Pond itself.’ Lo! How romantic to be alone! he begs his reader to think. And yet, Walden Pond sat within a large park that was often swarmed with picnickers and swimmers, skaters and ice fishers. In his ‘isolation’, Thoreau corresponded frequently with Ralph Waldo Emerson; and he went home as often as once a week to dine with friends or eat the cookies his mother baked. Of course he wasn’t lonely: he was so seldom truly alone.

Still, it’s unfair to blame Thoreau – or anyone else who flirts with loneliness yet falls short of truly engaging with it. Loneliness can be a miserable state and people, accordingly, work hard to avoid it. Over the past three decades, Americans have reported decreasing levels of loneliness, and one can assume that this holds true for other first-world countries, where a stream of invention works both directly and indirectly to prevent it: social media, artificial intelligence, virtual reality. The promise is that one can always be connected, or more accurately, constantly engaged in the simulacrum of companionship as mediated by iPhones, the internet or, sometime soon, an artificial being. But, as Olivia Laing shows in The Lonely City (2016), the very technologies that promise to connect us to others serve to sever us, even quarantine us, from opportunities to make genuine connections.

Loneliness can be hell – why would we want any part of it?

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While there have been efforts to change this culture, the top-down approach largely remains in many areas ranging from private corporations to academia.

According to a survey on 889 Koreans released by the job portal Incruit in April, 71 percent of respondents said that they had experienced a militaristic culture at school and work, with 21 percent of them describing it as “rampant.”

As examples of a militaristic company culture, they cited the authoritative manner of superiors, patriarchic owner-focused structures, superiors’ exercise of absolute power and an oppressive atmosphere in which they cannot speak up.

In another survey of 2,819 employees by the job search engine Saramin, 15.3 percent of Koreans said that they had suffered physical abuse at their workplaces. Among them, 72.9 percent said it was their superiors who had inflicted such abuse.

Kim Min-soo, 32, who has worked as a journalist for five years, said he was constantly told to do things without asking questions.

“I was assigned to work that I was not in charge of, but I was still forced to do it without talking back because I would have been scolded otherwise,” he said. “I was even asked to throw away trash from my superior’s desk, basically running personal errands for him. Many people know it is unreasonable, but they adjust to the atmosphere so as not to be isolated or bullied.”

A U.S. citizen, who wanted to be identified as Nicole, said that the business culture here is still rigid in that low-ranking employees are forced not to challenge the status quo.

“In the U.S., I was asked for input and ideas. They were valued even though I was a new and young worker. But here, people told me to keep quiet and do what I was told,” she said. “It led to a lot of unproductiveness.”

When faced with the army-style corporate ladder, many young workers give up tolerating what they see as unreasonable treatment.

As the cause, pundits have pointed to the growing gap between the baby boom generation born and raised under the military-backed governments

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